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_ We ought not to define a democracy as some do, who say simply, that it
is a government where the supreme power is lodged in the people; for
even in oligarchies the supreme power is in the majority. Nor should
they define an oligarchy a government where the supreme power is in
the hands of a few: for let us suppose the number of a people to be
thirteen hundred, and that of these one thousand were rich, who would
not permit the three hundred poor to have any share in the government,
although they were free, and their equal in everything else; no one
would say, that this government was a democracy. In like manner, if
the poor, when few in number, should acquire the power over the rich,
though more than themselves, no one would say, that this was an
oligarchy; nor this, when the rest who are rich have no share in the
administration. We should rather say, that a democracy is when the
supreme power is in the [1290b] hands of the freemen; an oligarchy,
when it is in the hands of the rich: it happens indeed that in the one
case the many will possess it, in the other the few; because there are
many poor and few rich. And if the power of the state was to be
distributed according to the size of the citizens, as they say it is
in Ethiopia, or according to their beauty, it would be an oligarchy:
for the number of those who are large and beautiful is small.
Nor are those things which we have already mentioned alone sufficient
to describe these states; for since there are many species both of a
democracy and an oligarchy, the matter requires further consideration;
as we cannot admit, that if a few persons who are free possess the
supreme power over the many who are not free, that this government is
a democracy: as in Apollonia, in Ionia, and in Thera: for in each of
these cities the honours of the state belong to some few particular
families, who first founded the colonies. Nor would the rich, because
they are superior in numbers, form a democracy, as formerly at
Colophon; for there the majority had large possessions before the
Lydian war: but a democracy is a state where the freemen and the poor,
being the majority, are invested with the power of the state. An
oligarchy is a state where the rich and those of noble families, being
few, possess it.
We have now proved that there are various forms of government and have
assigned a reason for it; and shall proceed to show that there are
even more than these, and what they are, and why; setting out with the
principle we have already laid down. We admit that every city consists
not of one, but many parts: thus, if we should endeavour to comprehend
the different species of animals we should first of all note those
parts which every animal must have, as a certain sensorium, and also
what is necessary to acquire and retain food, as a mouth and a belly;
besides certain parts to enable it to move from place to place. If,
then, these are the only parts of an animal and there are differences
between them; namely, in their various sorts of stomachs, bellies, and
sensoriums: to which we must add their motive powers; the number of
the combinations of all these must necessarily make up the different
species of animals. For it is not possible that the same kind of
animal should have any very great difference in its mouth or ears; so
that when all these are collected, who happen to have these things
similar in all, they make up a species of animals of which there are
as many as there are of these general combinations of necessary parts.
The same thing is true of what are called states; for a city is not
made of one but many parts, as has already been often said; one of
which is those who supply it with provisions, called husbandmen,
another called mechanics, [1291a] whose employment is in the manual
arts, without which the city could not be inhabited; of these some are
busied about what is absolutely necessary, others in what contribute
to the elegancies and pleasures of life; the third sort are your
exchange-men, I mean by these your buyers, sellers, merchants, and
victuallers; the fourth are your hired labourers or workmen; the fifth
are the men-at-arms, a rank not less useful than the other, without
you would have the community slaves to every invader; but what cannot
defend itself is unworthy of the name of a city; for a city is
self-sufficient, a slave not. So that when Socrates, in Plato's
Republic, says that a city is necessarily composed of four sorts of
people, he speaks elegantly but not correctly, and these are,
according to him, weavers, husbandmen, shoe-makers, and builders; he
then adds, as if these were not sufficient, smiths, herdsmen for what
cattle are necessary, and also merchants and victuallers, and these
are by way of appendix to his first list; as if a city was established
for necessity, and not happiness, or as if a shoe-maker and a
husbandman were equally useful. He reckons not the military a part
before the increase of territory and joining to the borders of the
neighbouring powers will make war necessary: and even amongst them who
compose his four divisions, or whoever have any connection with each
other, it will be necessary to have some one to distribute justice,
and determine between man and man. If, then, the mind is a more
valuable part of man than the body, every one would wish to have those
things more regarded in his city which tend to the advantage of these
than common matters, such are war and justice; to which may be added
council, which is the business of civil wisdom (nor is it of any
consequence whether these different employments are filled by
different persons or one, as the same man is oftentimes both a soldier
and a husbandman): so that if both the judge and the senator are parts
of the city, it necessarily follows that the soldier must be so also.
The seventh sort are those who serve the public in expensive
employments at their own charge: these are called the rich. The eighth
are those who execute the different offices of the state, and without
these it could not possibly subsist: it is therefore necessary that
there should be some persons capable of governing and filling the
places in the city; and this either for life or in rotation: the
office of senator, and judge, of which we have already sufficiently
treated, are the only ones remaining. If, then, these things are
necessary for a state, that it may be happy and just, it follows that
the citizens who engage in public affairs should be men of abilities
therein. [1291b] Several persons think, that different employments may
be allotted to the same person; as a soldier's, a husbandman's, and an
artificer's; as also that others may be both senators and judges.
Besides, every one supposes himself a man of political abilities, and
that he is qualified for almost every department in the state. But the
same person cannot at once be poor and rich: for which reason the most
obvious division of the city is into two parts, the poor and rich;
moreover, since for the generality the one are few, the other many,
they seem of all the parts of a city most contrary to each other; so
that as the one or the other prevail they form different states; and
these are the democracy and the oligarchy.
But that there are many different states, and from what causes they
arise, has been already mentioned: and that there are also different
species both of democracies and oligarchies we will now show. Though
this indeed is evident from what we have already said: there are also
many different sorts of common people, and also of those who are
called gentlemen. Of the different sorts of the first are husbandmen,
artificers, exchange-men, who are employed in buying and selling,
seamen, of which some are engaged in war, some in traffic, some in
carrying goods and passengers from place to place, others in fishing,
and of each of these there are often many, as fishermen at Tarentum
and Byzantium, masters of galleys at Athens, merchants at AEgina and
Chios, those who let ships on freight at Tenedos; we may add to these
those who live by their manual labour and have but little property; so
that they cannot live without some employ: and also those who are not
free-born on both sides, and whatever other sort of common people
there may be. As for gentlemen, they are such as are distinguished
either by their fortune, their birth, their abilities, or their
education, or any such-like excellence which is attributed to them.
The most pure democracy is that which is so called principally from
that equality which prevails in it: for this is what the law in that
state directs; that the poor shall be in no greater subjection than
the rich; nor that the supreme power shall be lodged with either of
these, but that both shall share it. For if liberty and equality, as
some persons suppose, are chiefly to be found in a democracy, it must
be most so by every department of government being alike open to all;
but as the people are the majority, and what they vote is law, it
follows that such a state must be a democracy. This, then, is one
species thereof. Another is, when the magistrates are elected by a
certain census; but this should be but small, and every one who was
included in it should be eligible, but as soon as he was below it
should lose that right. [1292a] Another sort is, in which every
citizen who is not infamous has a share in the government, but where
the government is in the laws. Another, where every citizen without
exception has this right. Another is like these in other particulars,
but there the people govern, and not the law: and this takes place
when everything is determined by a majority of votes, and not by a
law; which happens when the people are influenced by the demagogues:
for where a democracy is governed by stated laws there is no room for
them, but men of worth fill the first offices in the state: but where
the power is not vested in the laws, there demagogues abound: for
there the people rule with kingly power: the whole composing one body;
for they are supreme, not as individuals but in their collective
capacity.
Homer also discommends the government of many; but whether he means
this we are speaking of, or where each person exercises his power
separately, is uncertain. When the people possess this power they
desire to be altogether absolute, that they may not be under the
control of the law, and this is the time when flatterers are held in
repute. Nor is there any difference between such a people and monarchs
in a tyranny: for their manners are the same, and they both hold a
despotic power over better persons than themselves. For their decrees
are like the others' edicts; their demagogues like the others'
flatterers: but their greatest resemblance consists in the mutual
support they give to each other, the flatterer to the tyrant, the
demagogue to the people: and to them it is owing that the supreme
power is lodged in the votes of the people, and not in the laws; for
they bring everything before them, as their influence is owing to
their being supreme whose opinions they entirely direct; for these are
they whom the multitude obey. Besides, those who accuse the
magistrates insist upon it, that the right of determining on their
conduct lies in the people, who gladly receive their complaints as the
means of destroying all their offices.
Any one, therefore, may with great justice blame such a government as
being a democracy, and not a free state; for where the government is
not in the laws, then there is no free state, for the law ought to be
supreme over all things; and particular incidents which arise should
be determined by the magistrates or the state. If, therefore, a
democracy is to be reckoned a free state, it is evident that any such
establishment which centres all power in the votes of the people
cannot, properly speaking, be a democracy: for their decrees cannot be
general in their extent. Thus, then, we may describe the several
species of democracies. _
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