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_ It is among the neighbors of these Gallas that Paulitschke fancied he discovered the existence of refined love:
"Adult youths and maidens have occasion, especially
while tending the cattle, to form attachments. These
are of an idealized nature, because the young folks are
brought up in a remarkably chaste and serious manner.
The father is proud of his blooming daughter and guards
her like a treasure.... In my opinion, marriages among
the Western Somals are mostly based on cordial mutual
affection. A young man renders homage to his beloved in
song. 'Thou art beautiful,' he sings, 'thy limbs are
plump, if thou wouldst drink camel's milk thou wert
more beautiful still.' The girl, on her part, gives
expression to her longing for the absent lover in this
melancholy song: 'The camel needs good grazing, and
dislikes to leave it. My beloved has left the country.
On account of the children of Sahal (the lover's
family), my heart is always so heavy. Others throw
themselves into the ocean, but I perish from grief.
Could I but find the beloved.'"
What evidence of "idealized" love is there in these poems? The girl expresses longing for an absent man, and longing, as we have seen, characterizes all kinds of love from the highest to the lowest. It is one of the selfish ingredients of love, and is therefore evidence of self-love, not of other-love. As for the lover's poem, what is it but the grossest sensualism, the usual African apotheosis of fat? Imagine an American lover saying to a girl, "You are beautiful for you are plump, but you would be more beautiful still if you ate more pork and beans"--would she regard this as evidence of refined love, or would she turn her back and never speak to him again? Anthropologists are sometimes strangely naive. We have just seen what kind of "attachments" are formed by African youths and girls while tending cattle; Burton adds to the evidence _(F.F_., 120) by telling us that among the Somali "the bride, as usual in the East, is rarely consulted, but frequent _tete-a-tetes_ at the well and in the bush when tending cattle effectually obviate this inconvenience." "At the wells," says Donaldson Smith, "you will see both sexes bathing together, with little regard for decency." They are indeed lower than brutes in their impulses, for the only way parents can save their infant girls from being maltreated is by the practice of infibulation, to which, as Paulitschke himself tells us, the girls are subjected at the early age of four, or even three; yet, even this, he likewise informs us, is not always effectual.
As for the father's great pride in his daughter, and his guarding her like a treasure, that is, by the concurrent testimony of the authorities, not a token of affection or a regard for virtue, but a purely commercial matter. Paulitschke himself says that while the mother is devoted to her child, "the father pays no attention to it." On the following page he adds:
"The more well-to-do the father is, and the more
beautiful his daughter, the longer he seeks to
keep her under the paternal roof, for the purpose
of securing a bigger price for her through the
competition of suitors."
Of the Western Somali tribes at Zayla, Captain J.S. King says[148] that when a man has fixed his choice on a girl he pays her father $100 to $800. After that
"the proposer is entitled (on payment of $5 each time)
to private interviews with his fiancee to enable him by
a closer inspection to judge better of her personal
charms. But it frequently happens that the young man
squanders all his money on these 'interviews' before
paying the _dafa_ agreed upon. The girl then (at her
parents' instigation) breaks off the match, and her
father, when expostulated with, replies that he will
not force his daughter's inclinations. Hence arise
innumerable breach-of-promise-of-marriage suits, in
which the man is invariably the plaintiff. I have known
instances of a girl being betrothed to three or four
different men in about a year's time, their father
receiving a certain amount of _dafa_ from each
suitor."[149]
[FOOTNOTE 148: _Folk Lore Journal_, London, 1888, 119-22.]
[FOOTNOTE 149: Compare this with what I said on page 340 about the behavior of girls in the New Britain Group.]
Donaldson Smith remarks that Somali women "are regarded merely as goods and chattels. In a conversation with one of my boys he told me that he only owned five camels, but that he had a sister from whom he expected to get much money when he sold her in marriage." The gross commercialism of Somali love-affairs is further illustrated by the Ogaden custom (Paulitschke, _E.N.A._, 199) of pouring strong perfumes over the bride in order to stimulate the ardor of the suitor and make him willing to pay more for her--a trick which is often successful. How, under such circumstances, Somal marriages can be "mostly based on cordial mutual affection" is a mystery for Dr. Paulitschke to explain. Burton proved himself a keener observer and psychologist when he wrote (_F.F._, 122), "The Somal knows none of the exaggerated and chivalrons ideas by which passion becomes refined affection among the Arab Bedouins and the sons of civilization." I may add what this writer says regarding Somal poetry:
"The subjects are frequently pastoral; the lover,
for instance, invites his mistress to walk with
him toward the well in Lahelo, the Arcadia of the
land; he compares her legs to the tall, straight
Libi tree, and imprecates the direst curses on
her head if she refuses to drink with him the
milk of his favorite camel." _
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